Washington, Sept. 16th, 1901—The sudden change in
the bulletins concerning President McKinley and the news of his death have
caused an atmosphere of subdued and undemonstrative, but genuine sorrow, to
pervade Washington. Everywhere one sees the colors draped with black framing pictures
of the dead President. The people in charge of the “Oldroyd Collection of
Lincoln Relics,” which fills the house in which Lincoln died, opposite Ford’s
theatre, have hung the whole front of the house with crape and flags,
surrounding portraits of Lincoln and McKinley. Yet, with all this, it seems
hardly possible to believe that the genial, kindly-faced man will never again
stroll along the streets or through the White House grounds, greeting everyone
with his accustomed unostentatious courtesy. Washington has suffered a personal
bereavement.
There is some speculation inevitably as to the possible and
probable course of the new Executive. While Pres. Roosevelt is not so well
known here, personally, as was McKinley, he is a national figure and every one
is familiar with his eventful career. As the most careful observers of public
affairs agree, it is not possible to foretell with any certainty what he will
do in the next three years. His occupancy of the same ticket with President
McKinley is another proof of the old trouble that politics make strange
bed-fellows, for there never were two men more unlike. Curiously enough
however, they held much the same views on most public questions. McKinley was
wise, sagacious, thoughtful; he avoided making enemies whenever possible.
Roosevelt is entirely careless on this point, and many of his enemies have been
made, not so much by his policy as by his way of carrying it out. He has often
appeared to seek dramatic effect, simply because he was not thinking about effect
of any kind and did not avoid making one.
He is the youngest man, by five years, who ever held the
office of President, being not yet 43; and when it is remembered that he was
prominent in state and even national politics at an age when most men are scarcely
beginning their careers, some of the popular impressions of this character may
be better understood. The great responsibilities now laid upon him will
inevitably test his qualities as an administrator, and the country will
certainly know him far better a year from now than it does today. He is not a
man to be guided. He will do what he thinks is best and remains to be seen
whether those in both parties who wish to oppose him will be able to do so
effectually.
It is thought that there will be some very important changes
in the Cabinet before very long, though their nature depends on the plans the
new President may have for 1904. Secretary Hay is said to be much broken in
health since the death of his son and may resign at an early date, in which
case the selection of a new Secretary of State will be a matter of the moment.
The name of Lodge is suggested in this connection. He, like Roosevelt, has gone
into politics under the conviction and for the love of it, and the two would
probably agree. Walcott is another of the same sort, but he comes from
Colorado, and there is an unwritten political law which is against the
selection of a Secretary of State from the far West. The name of Depew has also
been mentioned, but this would make rather too much Excelsior in the Cabinet
for political purposes, for Depew is also a New Yorker. Besides, Depew is a
humorist, and the joker does not always win in the game of office seeking.
Secretary Long, while personally a friend of the President, might be forced out
by the clamour of political opponents if the Schley-Sampson case develops in a
way to warrant it.
Senator Wellington has been expelled from the Union League
Club of Maryland, and he says he is glad of it, as the members thereof are his
enemies. After his comments on the character of McKInley at the time of his
assassination, it is likely that most of Maryland came under that category.
Southern papers are urging that he be put out of the Senate.
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