Saturday, October 10, 2015

Vote Democrat to Keep Negroes in Their Place, 1920

“Democrat or Republican…..A Bid for the Voter by a Reference to the Record. History Often Repeats Itself. The Future Can be Judged by the Past. Some History of Reconstruction Days and the Days of the ‘Nineties. Facts and Food for Thought in This Article. Read It Every Word---and then Make Up Your Minds to Vote the Straight Democratic Ticket Next Tuesday”, from the October 29, 1920, issue of the Rockingham Post-Dispatch.

Presumably, and it is a reasonably safe presumption, the new voter will cast his or her ballot for that political party which, in his or her opinion, will render to the State the greatest political service. The test of political service is the welfare of the people. In deciding whether a government conducted by Democratic or Republican officials would be more conducive to the welfare of the people there is no test to apply so sure as the searching of the records and ascertaining which party has proven in the past that it was most fit to conduct our Government. There is no way of judging the future so sure as by the past.

Reconstruction
The Republican party was in power in this State immediately after the Civil War, in the days of Reconstruction, with that result is known to fame and infamy. It burdened the State with debt, disgraced it with scandal, and degraded it with negro rule. The history of this era is a story of unbridled lawlessness, of reckless extravagance, of oppressive taxation, of fraudulent indebtedness, of educational repression, of industrial stagnation, of arson, murder, bankruptcy, and black chaos.

This is a period in our history of such dreadful memories that the very thought of it, even at this distant time, makes the heart sick.

The night of reconstruction was long and dark, and for a while it looked like the day of redemption would never come.
But it did come.

In 1876 the mighty Vance, with the foresight of a prophet, the courage of a crusader, and the eloquence of inspiration, aroused the drowsy spirit of Anglo-Saxon dominance, and, bearing aloft the banner of Democracy, drove the money changers from the temple our fathers had erected here and consecrated to the principle of “government of the people, by the people, and for the people.”

Then, in the providence of God, for a long stretch of years under the fostering wing of Democracy there was peace and law and order, protection in the rights of life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness. Hope took the place of despair; opportunity unleashed energy, ambition, and thrift; and there were growth, development, and achievement along all lines.

It was a period of construction, of rebuilding, of brave men with steady nerve and strong arm and dauntless purpose clearing away the debris and wreckage of war and reconstruction and laying anew the foundations of a mighty future, fraught with potentialities of greatness, power, and wealth beyond the dreams of the boldest optimism of that day and generation.

But in the melting pot of political ambition and selfishness there was brewing another dark day for the dear old State we love so well.

Republican Administration in the 90’s
In 18994, lulled to repose by a false sense of security, in the clash of ambition and self-seeking, we forget our ever-present menace; forget what we had suffered under Republicanism during the reconstruction; forget the blessings we had enjoyed under Democracy during the years that followed our political redemption, and in an evil hour dissention raised its awful head in our midst, and the men who had saved the State in 1876 were divided into opposing camps, and the Republican party, with an aid of the Populists, was restored to power in North Carolina, and again the orgy of corruption and extravagance, lawlessness and crime against the State, society, and civilization which had characterized the former ascendancy of that party in the State with tragic settings and direful consequences was re-enacted.

This latter period was marked by just the same characteristics and abuses that market Reconstruction days and, what is just as important, this period brought forward the same leaders that are dictating Republican policies today. We can hope for no better Republican administration today than we had 25 years ago. Exactly what that administration was is best told in the words of an impartial historian, recording events as they actually occurred in North Carolina. Dr. J.G. DeRoulhac Hamilton, Professor of History in the University of North Carolina, in his “History of North Carolina” describes Republican administration in the 90’s as follows:

“In the East the negroes were filling many offices. The position of justice of the peace, as in Reconstruction, had to content most of them. Craven had 27; Columbus, 5; Hertford, 6; Pasquotank, 3;  Perquimans, 6; Jones 3; Caswell, 7; Wayne, 6; Nash, 3; Edgecombe, 31; Richmond, 10; Bertie, 16; Halifax, 29; and Granville, 17. In all there were over 300 in the State. The school committees likewise suffered. Craven had 13 members; Hertford, 10; Montgomery, 4; Richmond, 23; Columbus, 17; Chowan, 8; Pasquotank, 5; Perquimans, 10; Jones, 12; Hyde, 8; and Beaufort, Caswell, and Edgecombe, 1 in every township. In many of the counties were negro members of the county boards of education, county commissioners, deputy sheriffs, and constables. In New Hanover and Craven the registers of deeds and their deputies were negroes. There were about 25 negro postmasters in the East and numerous revenue officials. The towns in the East were even worse off. In Greenville where the negroes were in the minority, under the charter of 1895, four of the six aldermen were negroes and the town was dominated by them. Government as a result was extravagant and corrupt. New Bern had of negro officials five policemen, three aldermen, the city engineer, and the city attorney. The condition of Wilmington was pitiable. White people owned 97 per cent of the property and paid that proportion of the taxes. The mayor, a white man, owned no property and paid very small taxes. Negroes were most of the time in a majority on the police force, four negroes were on the board of aldermen, 40 were magistrates, and they filled every position in the health department. The collector of the port, also, was a negro. There was no security left for person or property. Burglary, robbery, and murder were offenses of increasing frequency and negro juries made conviction practically impossible. Along with violence and misgovernment went extravagance and corruption. As a result of these conditions business was stagnant, depression was general, and the community which should have been prosperous was retrograding.

“No one could contend that negro government was efficient in any sense or that the presence of the negro tended to good government. On the contrary it was in every sense evil. Slovenly incapacity was bad enough, but the multiplication of crimes of violence, particularly of those against white women, was unbearable. The prominence of the negro bred in the race a sense of importance which expressed itself in an assertiveness which Southern white people have ever found difficult to bear and which early took a violent form. In the towns gangs of negroes frequently forced white people into the streets. Affrays were common and assaults numerous. In the city courts, dominated as they were by negroes or those dependent upon them, there was no redress. Self-restraint was of course a quality well-night unknown to a large proportion of the race; and so encouraged by white schemers who climbed to place and power upon their backs, and backed by a remnant of the old carpet=baggers or their descendants, the negroes set about making the same condition of affairs which had largely contributed to make Reconstruction unbearable, and ultimately had led to its overthrow almost a generation before, at the same time putting upon the Republican party a stigma which it had never been able to remove. For the presence of the negro in government in North Carolina no principle was responsible; it was a matter of politics alone. Republicans, at least native ones, had no illusions about the negro nor any belief that his participation in politics was a matter of principle. The sole reason for putting the negro into office was the desire and necessity of holding and controlling the solid vote of the race. And as always, this meant the debauching of the community.

“Of course of negro domination, except in certain of the eastern counties and towns having a black majority, there was in one sense none at all. There never was a time in North Carolina, and never will be, when a white population, outnumbering the negroes two to one, could be dominated by them. It nevertheless remained a fact that while the negroes in a solid body voted the Republican ticket and formed a clear majority of that party they would in a sense control it, making it irresponsible, easily swayed by the necessity of holding the negro vote, and hence unfit to rule. It was also true that Republican control in the State meant negro control in the East with all that is therein implied—sometimes violence, injustice, dishonesty; always ineffiency, incompetence, and partisanship, accompanied by a deadly blight upon all progress. Herein lay the justification of the chosen issue.”

The Republican Prospect Today
The Republican party today offers to the voters it desires to win no real hope of improvement. The party is still dominated by the same leaders and the same overpowering and consuming desire for power and control as were infamous in the 90’s. Again we find the party ready to bargain for the solid negro vote, fully recognizing the debauchery of the party and government that must accompany the solid and prejudiced colored support. Is not a party which will attempt to secure this solid negro vote already debauched and unfit to receive the trust of the new and honest voter who desires actually to benefit the people of the State as a whole? Are you willing to vote for a repetition of the days of Reconstruction and the 90’s?

That the Republican party is making a strong and shrewd bid for solid negro support on the grounds of color alone cannot be doubted. Let one who doubts read the affidavit of a number of prominent Republicans concerning a statement made by one C.R. Pugh, a trusted and powerful leader of North Carolina Republicans, a man who has appeared upon the Republican State ticket and who at one time was slated as vice chairman of the Republican State Committee. This affidavit appeared in the Elizabeth City Independent on Marcy 14, 1920. The affidavit follows:

“The undersigned residents and citizens of North Carolina says, each for himself:

“That he is a Republican and was present at the Republican convention held in and for Pasquotank County, in the court house in Elizabeth City, North Carolina, at 3 o’clock p.m., February 21, 1920. That after the regular business of the convention, consisting of the appointment of delegates to the Congressional convention and State convention was duly disposed of, among others, C.R. Pugh was called upon to make a speech.

“That in the course of his speech Mr. Pugh said that he was what Woodrow Wilson called a ‘forward looking’ man, and that while a retrospect of the Republican party had been given, which historical recitation was quite interesting, he proposed to give something of the future prospects of the Republican party and said in that connection, to quote:

“’If the present plans of the Republican organization in North Carolina are carried out at Greensboro on March 3, 1920, the time when we hold our State convention, we will have a splendid opportunity to carry the State. I have gone over our plans thoroughly with Mr. Will H. Hayes, chairman of the National Committee, and we have a thorough understanding. There are two things which I wish to call attention to as prophetic of Republican success this time. First, there is a vast multitude of textile workers in North Carolina which we must organize. On February 6th last I was in conference with Will H. Hays and suggested to him the desirability of organizing these textile workers. Instantly he agreed with me that it was a fine thing to do, took me in his automobile and in less than five minutes we were in the office of a man who owns a chain of cotton mills in North Carolina, and when Mr. Hays explained the purpose of his visit this man (whose name I will not call), turned to his desk, wrote Mr. Hays a check for $50,000, gave him the names of the superintendents of his mills in North Carolina and told him to use the money in organizing the textile workers, and to get busy.’

“That immediately following the declaration about the organization of the textile workers in North Carolina, Mr. Pugh proceeded with his second plan of organization in carrying North Carolina as follows:

“’In my conference with Mr. Hays I told him that there were forty odd thousand negro voters in this State, that only about 6,000 negroes voted in the past Presidential election, and men, I know this is thin ice, but I am going to be frank; we are all here together; it is our purpose in the coming campaign to quietly and secretly organize this forty odd thousand negroes so that at the last moment, if necessary, we can throw them into the ballot box and carry the State.’

“And further these deponents sayeth not.

I.M. MEEKINS

M.G. SEDGWICK

L.N. THOMAS

J.W. JOHNSON

A.L. CRESSON

J.S. SEELEY SR.

W.H. KEATON

LT. CHAS. MEEKINS

“Sworn to and subscribed before me this 27t day of February, 1920, H.G. KRAMER, Notary Public. My commission expires Dec. 26, 1920.”

How accurate was this disgraceful prediction of February, 1920, is clearly seen by the subsequent official action of the Republican party. The Republican national committee in passing upon the credentials of delegates to the Republican national convention in June, 1920, carefully considered the question and decided to seat negro delegates in its convention and so made a strong bid for the solid negro vote. This action was described in a news item as follows:

“Chicago, June3—Besides settling the delegation contests from Florida by splitting the decision, the Republican National Committee today took what many members construed to be one of the most important actions of years respecting the party’s vote in Southern States. Aroused by the number of delegate contests in which evidence was brought that district conventions had been held in places where negroes were excluded by custom or practice, the committee, by unanimous resolution, gave notice that conventions for the selection of delegates in 1924 must be held in places where race was no barrier to participation.”

Further action regarding negro delegates was described in an Associated Press item, Chicago, June 4, as follows:

“The spectacular decision of the day was the hard fought and long delayed contest from Georgia where the delegates headed by Henry Lincoln Johnson, an Atlanta negro, who, it was testified before the Senate committee investigating campaign expenditures, received $9,000 for the Lowden campaign fund, were resisting the attacks of a set of contesting delegates admittedly organized by Frank H. Hitchcock and counted for the candidacy of General Wood.

“Johnson and his small army of negro cohorts were waiting in the ante-rooms for the decision and when the news of the decision favorable to him reached them scenes which are familiar to any one who had attended an old-fashioned Southern camp meeting were re-enacted. The shouts and screams of the Johnson party resounded throughout the coliseum. Admiring negroes danced about their leader in a wild delirium and raised such a din that the committee in the next room had difficulty in proceeding to the consideration of the district contests.”

Finally and notably the said Henry Lincoln Johnson, colored, of Atlanta, Ga., was made Republican national committeeman from Georgia, and is now welcomed and received in the innermost councils of the Republican party.

But how does Senator and Republican candidate Harding stand on the question of soliciting the solid negro vote? He is strong for it and is hand in glove with the leaders of color. See the following news item from the Chicago convention, appearing Sunday, June 13:

“Negro Delegates Pleased With Harding’s Attitude"
“Chicago, June 12.—During the recess negro delegates, representing all negro votes with the exception of three, called on Senator Harding, piloted by Charles A. Cotrill of Ohio. Cotrill said they had obtained a satisfactory statement from the Senator as to his attitude on questions affecting the negro population and would throw 55 votes to his support during the afternoon.”

Also it happens that Harding has expressed himself definitely on just this point and has made a personal bid for solid negro support. In his speech of acceptance of the Republican nomination for President, made on July 22, 1920, more than a month after his nomination and after careful thought and complete instruction by his superior officers in the party machine, candidate Harding said, “I believe the negro citizens of American should be guaranteed the enjoyment of their rights; that they have earned the full measure of citizenship bestowed; that their sacrifices in blood on the battlefield of the Republic has entitled them to all the freedom and liberty, all the sympathy and aid that the American spirit of fairness and justness demands.”

With what success these bids for the negro vote have met is best shown also by recent news item appearing in the Charlotte Observer, Sept. 11, as follows:

“Delegations of Negroes Meet at Front Porch

“Harding Promises Federal Government Will Not Fail Them—Praises Their Loyalty

“Camp Meeting Spirit Rules Day’s Celebration; ‘Amens’ and ‘Hallelujahs’ Heard
“Marion, Ohio, Sept. 10—Five delegations of negro Republicans, representing various organizations of the race in the North and South, gathered at Senator Harding’s front porch today and pledged him their support in several hours of characteristic demonstrations and oratory.

“In response the Republican nominee made two speeches praising the loyalty and attainments of the Nation’s negro citizenry and promising that the Federal Government ‘will not fail the American negro.’ He asked that they make service to country the every day standard of their citizenship, and declared his abhorrence to the use of ‘brutal and unlawful violence’ against this black race or any other class.

“In several private conferences Senator Harding also heard the grievances of various negro leaders and assured them he would make a careful study of the situation. Lynching and segregation of negro federal employees were two of the things for whose suppression the visitors made a particular plea.

“Amens and Hallelujahs”
“Conventions of negro Baptists in session at Columbus and in Indianapolis sent the largest delegation and a camp meeting spirit ruled the day’s celebration. The first group came up singing ‘Harding will shine tonight,’ in parody of a revival hymn and ‘amens’ and ‘hallelujahs’ floated heavenward with ‘Oh boy’ and ‘you tell ‘em,’ as the succession of orators poured out their professions of loyalty to the party of Lincoln and Grant.

“Henry Lincoln Johnson, Republican national committeeman for Georgia, headed the group from the national Baptist convention at Columbus, which arrived during the morning and was the first to be addressed by the nominee.

“The afternoon speech was to representatives of the National Baptist Convention, incorporated, which is meeting in Indianapolis, the National Rights League, the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Methodist Episcopal Church.

“Besides Johnson, those who made speeches included the presidents of both of the conventions: William H. Lewis of Boston, a former assistant attorney general; Charles Cottrill of Toledo, former collector of internal revenue at Honolulu; Mrs. Thomas W. Fleming of Cleveland, head of the Colored Woman’s Bureau of the Republican National Committee, and Hallie Q. Brown, president of the National Federation of Colored Woman’s Clubs.

“A prayer opened the afternoon meeting which had lasted for nearly two hours before Senator Harding was reached on the program of speakers. Other speeches followed his, and then visitors flocked up the front steps of the Harding residence and kept the candidate busy for a half hour shaking hands.

“Two hundred thousand votes from negro women were promised the Senator by the women speakers, one of whom praised his stand for party government and said the women of her race would claim representation in government in proportion to their number.”

In the face of this evidence are you as an intelligent and honest voter of the south and of the State of North Carolina going to give your support to the candidates of the Republican party? It has been said that the negro question is dead. This question cannot die as long as the negro is present in our land, and his and our mutual relations must be worked out justly and sanely. As a political question it must be dominant with us so long as one political party appeals to the prejudice of the negro and makes a bid for his solid vote with the express or implied promises of favors and offices in return. The National Republican party has done this, and again its hands are soiled.

What will the men and women votes of Richmond county have to say of the Republican party next Tuesday? There should be but one answer—a straight Democratic vote. This article contains facts and food for thought. Read it again and pass it along to a doubtful neighbor. Be sure to vote next Tuesday—and vote early.

And on the following Thursday, the headlines of the Rockingham Post-Dispatch gave the election results:

Democrats Sweep County and State

Republican Elect President and Congress

Landslide to Democratic Party in Richmond County and in North Carolina in Election Tuesday, and Overwhelming Victory for Republicans in Nation. Democratic State Ticket Elected by Over 75,000—the Largest on Record—and Democratic County Ticket Wins by Enormous Majority of 2,356. Democrats Make Bigger Per Cent of Gain Over the 1916 Presidential Vote Than the Republicans. The County is Saved.

In the race for president, Richmond County residents cast 3,341 votes for James M. Cox, Democrat, and 1,134 votes for W.G. Harding, Republican.

In the race for governor, Richmond County residents cast 3,219 votes for C. Morrison, and 1,134 for John Parker.

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