Presumably, and it is a reasonably safe presumption, the new
voter will cast his or her ballot for that political party which, in his or her
opinion, will render to the State the greatest political service. The test of
political service is the welfare of the people. In deciding whether a
government conducted by Democratic or Republican officials would be more
conducive to the welfare of the people there is no test to apply so sure as the
searching of the records and ascertaining which party has proven in the past
that it was most fit to conduct our Government. There is no way of judging the
future so sure as by the past.
Reconstruction
The Republican party was in power in this State immediately
after the Civil War, in the days of Reconstruction, with that result is known
to fame and infamy. It burdened the State with debt, disgraced it with scandal,
and degraded it with negro rule. The history of this era is a story of
unbridled lawlessness, of reckless extravagance, of oppressive taxation, of
fraudulent indebtedness, of educational repression, of industrial stagnation,
of arson, murder, bankruptcy, and black chaos.
This is a period in our history of such dreadful memories
that the very thought of it, even at this distant time, makes the heart sick.
The night of reconstruction was long and dark, and for a
while it looked like the day of redemption would never come.
But it did come.
But it did come.
In 1876 the mighty Vance, with the foresight of a prophet,
the courage of a crusader, and the eloquence of inspiration, aroused the drowsy
spirit of Anglo-Saxon dominance, and, bearing aloft the banner of Democracy, drove
the money changers from the temple our fathers had erected here and consecrated
to the principle of “government of the people, by the people, and for the
people.”
Then, in the providence of God, for a long stretch of years
under the fostering wing of Democracy there was peace and law and order,
protection in the rights of life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of
happiness. Hope took the place of despair; opportunity unleashed energy,
ambition, and thrift; and there were growth, development, and achievement along
all lines.
It was a period of construction, of rebuilding, of brave men
with steady nerve and strong arm and dauntless purpose clearing away the debris
and wreckage of war and reconstruction and laying anew the foundations of a
mighty future, fraught with potentialities of greatness, power, and wealth
beyond the dreams of the boldest optimism of that day and generation.
But in the melting pot of political ambition and selfishness
there was brewing another dark day for the dear old State we love so well.
Republican
Administration in the 90’s
In 18994, lulled to repose by a false sense of security, in
the clash of ambition and self-seeking, we forget our ever-present menace;
forget what we had suffered under Republicanism during the reconstruction;
forget the blessings we had enjoyed under Democracy during the years that
followed our political redemption, and in an evil hour dissention raised its
awful head in our midst, and the men who had saved the State in 1876 were
divided into opposing camps, and the Republican party, with an aid of the
Populists, was restored to power in North Carolina, and again the orgy of
corruption and extravagance, lawlessness and crime against the State, society,
and civilization which had characterized the former ascendancy of that party in
the State with tragic settings and direful consequences was re-enacted.
This latter period was marked by just the same
characteristics and abuses that market Reconstruction days and, what is just as
important, this period brought forward the same leaders that are dictating
Republican policies today. We can hope for no better Republican administration
today than we had 25 years ago. Exactly what that administration was is best
told in the words of an impartial historian, recording events as they actually
occurred in North Carolina. Dr. J.G. DeRoulhac Hamilton, Professor of History
in the University of North Carolina, in his “History of North Carolina”
describes Republican administration in the 90’s as follows:
“In the East the negroes were filling many offices. The
position of justice of the peace, as in Reconstruction, had to content most of
them. Craven had 27; Columbus, 5; Hertford, 6; Pasquotank, 3; Perquimans, 6; Jones 3; Caswell, 7; Wayne, 6;
Nash, 3; Edgecombe, 31; Richmond, 10; Bertie, 16; Halifax, 29; and Granville,
17. In all there were over 300 in the State. The school committees likewise
suffered. Craven had 13 members; Hertford, 10; Montgomery, 4; Richmond, 23;
Columbus, 17; Chowan, 8; Pasquotank, 5; Perquimans, 10; Jones, 12; Hyde, 8; and
Beaufort, Caswell, and Edgecombe, 1 in every township. In many of the counties
were negro members of the county boards of education, county commissioners,
deputy sheriffs, and constables. In New Hanover and Craven the registers of
deeds and their deputies were negroes. There were about 25 negro postmasters in
the East and numerous revenue officials. The towns in the East were even worse
off. In Greenville where the negroes were in the minority, under the charter of
1895, four of the six aldermen were negroes and the town was dominated by them.
Government as a result was extravagant and corrupt. New Bern had of negro
officials five policemen, three aldermen, the city engineer, and the city
attorney. The condition of Wilmington was pitiable. White people owned 97 per
cent of the property and paid that proportion of the taxes. The mayor, a white
man, owned no property and paid very small taxes. Negroes were most of the time
in a majority on the police force, four negroes were on the board of aldermen,
40 were magistrates, and they filled every position in the health department.
The collector of the port, also, was a negro. There was no security left for
person or property. Burglary, robbery, and murder were offenses of increasing
frequency and negro juries made conviction practically impossible. Along with
violence and misgovernment went extravagance and corruption. As a result of
these conditions business was stagnant, depression was general, and the
community which should have been prosperous was retrograding.
“No one could contend that negro government was efficient in
any sense or that the presence of the negro tended to good government. On the
contrary it was in every sense evil. Slovenly incapacity was bad enough, but
the multiplication of crimes of violence, particularly of those against white
women, was unbearable. The prominence of the negro bred in the race a sense of
importance which expressed itself in an assertiveness which Southern white
people have ever found difficult to bear and which early took a violent form.
In the towns gangs of negroes frequently forced white people into the streets.
Affrays were common and assaults numerous. In the city courts, dominated as
they were by negroes or those dependent upon them, there was no redress.
Self-restraint was of course a quality well-night unknown to a large proportion
of the race; and so encouraged by white schemers who climbed to place and power
upon their backs, and backed by a remnant of the old carpet=baggers or their
descendants, the negroes set about making the same condition of affairs which
had largely contributed to make Reconstruction unbearable, and ultimately had
led to its overthrow almost a generation before, at the same time putting upon
the Republican party a stigma which it had never been able to remove. For the
presence of the negro in government in North Carolina no principle was
responsible; it was a matter of politics alone. Republicans, at least native
ones, had no illusions about the negro nor any belief that his participation in
politics was a matter of principle. The sole reason for putting the negro into
office was the desire and necessity of holding and controlling the solid vote
of the race. And as always, this meant the debauching of the community.
“Of course of negro domination, except in certain of the
eastern counties and towns having a black majority, there was in one sense none
at all. There never was a time in North Carolina, and never will be, when a
white population, outnumbering the negroes two to one, could be dominated by
them. It nevertheless remained a fact that while the negroes in a solid body
voted the Republican ticket and formed a clear majority of that party they
would in a sense control it, making it irresponsible, easily swayed by the
necessity of holding the negro vote, and hence unfit to rule. It was also true
that Republican control in the State meant negro control in the East with all
that is therein implied—sometimes violence, injustice, dishonesty; always
ineffiency, incompetence, and partisanship, accompanied by a deadly blight upon
all progress. Herein lay the justification of the chosen issue.”
The Republican
Prospect Today
The Republican party today offers to the voters it desires
to win no real hope of improvement. The party is still dominated by the same
leaders and the same overpowering and consuming desire for power and control as
were infamous in the 90’s. Again we find the party ready to bargain for the
solid negro vote, fully recognizing the debauchery of the party and government that
must accompany the solid and prejudiced colored support. Is not a party which
will attempt to secure this solid negro vote already debauched and unfit to
receive the trust of the new and honest voter who desires actually to benefit
the people of the State as a whole? Are you willing to vote for a repetition of
the days of Reconstruction and the 90’s?
That the Republican party is making a strong and shrewd bid
for solid negro support on the grounds of color alone cannot be doubted. Let
one who doubts read the affidavit of a number of prominent Republicans
concerning a statement made by one C.R. Pugh, a trusted and powerful leader of
North Carolina Republicans, a man who has appeared upon the Republican State
ticket and who at one time was slated as vice chairman of the Republican State
Committee. This affidavit appeared in the Elizabeth
City Independent on Marcy 14, 1920. The affidavit follows:
“The undersigned residents and citizens of North Carolina
says, each for himself:
“That he is a Republican and was present at the Republican
convention held in and for Pasquotank County, in the court house in Elizabeth
City, North Carolina, at 3 o’clock p.m., February 21, 1920. That after the
regular business of the convention, consisting of the appointment of delegates
to the Congressional convention and State convention was duly disposed of,
among others, C.R. Pugh was called upon to make a speech.
“That in the course of his speech Mr. Pugh said that he was
what Woodrow Wilson called a ‘forward looking’ man, and that while a retrospect
of the Republican party had been given, which historical recitation was quite
interesting, he proposed to give something of the future prospects of the
Republican party and said in that connection, to quote:
“’If the present plans of the Republican organization in
North Carolina are carried out at Greensboro on March 3, 1920, the time when we
hold our State convention, we will have a splendid opportunity to carry the
State. I have gone over our plans thoroughly with Mr. Will H. Hayes, chairman
of the National Committee, and we have a thorough understanding. There are two
things which I wish to call attention to as prophetic of Republican success
this time. First, there is a vast multitude of textile workers in North
Carolina which we must organize. On February 6th last I was in
conference with Will H. Hays and suggested to him the desirability of
organizing these textile workers. Instantly he agreed with me that it was a
fine thing to do, took me in his automobile and in less than five minutes we
were in the office of a man who owns a chain of cotton mills in North Carolina,
and when Mr. Hays explained the purpose of his visit this man (whose name I
will not call), turned to his desk, wrote Mr. Hays a check for $50,000, gave
him the names of the superintendents of his mills in North Carolina and told
him to use the money in organizing the textile workers, and to get busy.’
“That immediately following the declaration about the
organization of the textile workers in North Carolina, Mr. Pugh proceeded with
his second plan of organization in carrying North Carolina as follows:
“’In my conference with Mr. Hays I told him that there were
forty odd thousand negro voters in this State, that only about 6,000 negroes
voted in the past Presidential election, and men, I know this is thin ice, but
I am going to be frank; we are all here together; it is our purpose in the
coming campaign to quietly and secretly organize this forty odd thousand
negroes so that at the last moment, if necessary, we can throw them into the
ballot box and carry the State.’
“And further these deponents sayeth not.
I.M. MEEKINS
M.G. SEDGWICK
L.N. THOMAS
J.W. JOHNSON
A.L. CRESSON
J.S. SEELEY SR.
W.H. KEATON
LT. CHAS. MEEKINS
“Sworn to and subscribed before me this 27t day of February,
1920, H.G. KRAMER, Notary Public. My commission expires Dec. 26, 1920.”
How accurate was this disgraceful prediction of February,
1920, is clearly seen by the subsequent official action of the Republican
party. The Republican national committee in passing upon the credentials of
delegates to the Republican national convention in June, 1920, carefully
considered the question and decided to seat negro delegates in its convention
and so made a strong bid for the solid negro vote. This action was described in
a news item as follows:
“Chicago, June3—Besides settling the delegation contests
from Florida by splitting the decision, the Republican National Committee today
took what many members construed to be one of the most important actions of
years respecting the party’s vote in Southern States. Aroused by the number of
delegate contests in which evidence was brought that district conventions had
been held in places where negroes were excluded by custom or practice, the
committee, by unanimous resolution, gave notice that conventions for the
selection of delegates in 1924 must be held in places where race was no barrier
to participation.”
Further action regarding negro delegates was described in an
Associated Press item, Chicago, June 4, as follows:
“The spectacular decision of the day was the hard fought and
long delayed contest from Georgia where the delegates headed by Henry Lincoln
Johnson, an Atlanta negro, who, it was testified before the Senate committee
investigating campaign expenditures, received $9,000 for the Lowden campaign
fund, were resisting the attacks of a set of contesting delegates admittedly
organized by Frank H. Hitchcock and counted for the candidacy of General Wood.
“Johnson and his small army of negro cohorts were waiting in
the ante-rooms for the decision and when the news of the decision favorable to
him reached them scenes which are familiar to any one who had attended an
old-fashioned Southern camp meeting were re-enacted. The shouts and screams of
the Johnson party resounded throughout the coliseum. Admiring negroes danced
about their leader in a wild delirium and raised such a din that the committee
in the next room had difficulty in proceeding to the consideration of the
district contests.”
Finally and notably the said Henry Lincoln Johnson, colored,
of Atlanta, Ga., was made Republican national committeeman from Georgia, and is
now welcomed and received in the innermost councils of the Republican party.
But how does Senator and Republican candidate Harding stand
on the question of soliciting the solid negro vote? He is strong for it and is
hand in glove with the leaders of color. See the following news item from the
Chicago convention, appearing Sunday, June 13:
“Negro Delegates
Pleased With Harding’s Attitude"
“Chicago, June 12.—During the recess negro delegates,
representing all negro votes with the exception of three, called on Senator
Harding, piloted by Charles A. Cotrill of Ohio. Cotrill said they had obtained
a satisfactory statement from the Senator as to his attitude on questions
affecting the negro population and would throw 55 votes to his support during
the afternoon.”
Also it happens that Harding has expressed himself
definitely on just this point and has made a personal bid for solid negro
support. In his speech of acceptance of the Republican nomination for
President, made on July 22, 1920, more than a month after his nomination and
after careful thought and complete instruction by his superior officers in the
party machine, candidate Harding said, “I believe the negro citizens of
American should be guaranteed the enjoyment of their rights; that they have
earned the full measure of citizenship bestowed; that their sacrifices in blood
on the battlefield of the Republic has entitled them to all the freedom and
liberty, all the sympathy and aid that the American spirit of fairness and
justness demands.”
With what success these bids for the negro vote have met is
best shown also by recent news item appearing in the Charlotte Observer, Sept. 11, as follows:
“Delegations of Negroes
Meet at Front Porch
“Harding Promises
Federal Government Will Not Fail Them—Praises Their Loyalty
“Camp Meeting Spirit
Rules Day’s Celebration; ‘Amens’ and ‘Hallelujahs’ Heard
“Marion, Ohio, Sept. 10—Five delegations of negro
Republicans, representing various organizations of the race in the North and
South, gathered at Senator Harding’s front porch today and pledged him their
support in several hours of characteristic demonstrations and oratory.
“In response the Republican nominee made two speeches praising
the loyalty and attainments of the Nation’s negro citizenry and promising that
the Federal Government ‘will not fail the American negro.’ He asked that they
make service to country the every day standard of their citizenship, and
declared his abhorrence to the use of ‘brutal and unlawful violence’ against
this black race or any other class.
“In several private conferences Senator Harding also heard
the grievances of various negro leaders and assured them he would make a
careful study of the situation. Lynching and segregation of negro federal
employees were two of the things for whose suppression the visitors made a
particular plea.
“Amens and Hallelujahs”
“Conventions of negro Baptists in session at Columbus and in
Indianapolis sent the largest delegation and a camp meeting spirit ruled the
day’s celebration. The first group came up singing ‘Harding will shine
tonight,’ in parody of a revival hymn and ‘amens’ and ‘hallelujahs’ floated
heavenward with ‘Oh boy’ and ‘you tell ‘em,’ as the succession of orators
poured out their professions of loyalty to the party of Lincoln and Grant.
“Henry Lincoln Johnson, Republican national committeeman for
Georgia, headed the group from the national Baptist convention at Columbus,
which arrived during the morning and was the first to be addressed by the
nominee.
“The afternoon speech was to representatives of the National
Baptist Convention, incorporated, which is meeting in Indianapolis, the
National Rights League, the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Methodist
Episcopal Church.
“Besides Johnson, those who made speeches included the
presidents of both of the conventions: William H. Lewis of Boston, a former
assistant attorney general; Charles Cottrill of Toledo, former collector of
internal revenue at Honolulu; Mrs. Thomas W. Fleming of Cleveland, head of the
Colored Woman’s Bureau of the Republican National Committee, and Hallie Q.
Brown, president of the National Federation of Colored Woman’s Clubs.
“A prayer opened the afternoon meeting which had lasted for
nearly two hours before Senator Harding was reached on the program of speakers.
Other speeches followed his, and then visitors flocked up the front steps of
the Harding residence and kept the candidate busy for a half hour shaking
hands.
“Two hundred thousand votes from negro women were promised
the Senator by the women speakers, one of whom praised his stand for party
government and said the women of her race would claim representation in
government in proportion to their number.”
In the face of this evidence are you as an intelligent and
honest voter of the south and of the State of North Carolina going to give your
support to the candidates of the Republican party? It has been said that the
negro question is dead. This question cannot die as long as the negro is
present in our land, and his and our mutual relations must be worked out justly
and sanely. As a political question it must be dominant with us so long as one
political party appeals to the prejudice of the negro and makes a bid for his solid
vote with the express or implied promises of favors and offices in return. The
National Republican party has done this, and again its hands are soiled.
What will the men and women votes of Richmond county have to
say of the Republican party next Tuesday? There should be but one answer—a
straight Democratic vote. This article contains facts and food for thought.
Read it again and pass it along to a doubtful neighbor. Be sure to vote next
Tuesday—and vote early.
And on the following Thursday, the headlines of the
Rockingham Post-Dispatch gave the election results:
Democrats Sweep
County and State
Republican Elect
President and Congress
Landslide to
Democratic Party in Richmond County and in North Carolina in Election Tuesday,
and Overwhelming Victory for Republicans in Nation. Democratic State Ticket
Elected by Over 75,000—the Largest on Record—and Democratic County Ticket Wins
by Enormous Majority of 2,356. Democrats Make Bigger Per Cent of Gain Over the
1916 Presidential Vote Than the Republicans. The County is Saved.
In the race for president, Richmond County residents cast
3,341 votes for James M. Cox, Democrat, and 1,134 votes for W.G. Harding,
Republican.
In the race for governor, Richmond County residents cast
3,219 votes for C. Morrison, and 1,134 for John Parker.
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